四川 | 原创| 国内| 国际| 娱乐| 体育| 女性| 图片| 太阳鸟时评| 市州联播| 财经| 汽车| 房产| 旅游| 居家| 教育| 法制| 健康| 食品| 天府新区| 慢耍四川
您当前的位置:四川新闻  >  本网原创


2017年10月22日 14:18:15

Weekly Address: Reversing a Troubling Trend in Food SafetyIn this week's address, President Barack Obama makes key announcements regarding the safety of our nation's food. "We are a nation built on the strength of individual initiative. But there are certain things that we can't do on our own. There are certain things that only a government can do. And one of those things is ensuring that the foods we eat, and the medicines we take, are safe and don't cause us harm."Watch Your Weekly Address below to learn more about the President's measures to make the food that lands on America's dinner tables safer. mp4视频下载 03/64548贵州天伦医院电话号码We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to the plains.我们能够使河流改道,能够把高山夷为平原,海洋、陆地和天空都成了我们进行大规模贸易的通衢。Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease diminishes and life lengthens.疾病大为减少,人的寿命正在延长。Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible. Nations amass wealth.但是,这种生活的希望,正是由于使其成为可能的人类创造才能而处于危险之中。各个国家正在聚积财富。Labor sweats to create—and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities.劳动的汗水创造并生产出来的器械,不仅可以夷平高山,而且也能摧毁城池。Science seems y to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to erase human life from this planet.科学看来准备送给人类一件最后的礼物,这就是能把人类生活从这个星球抹去的力量。At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith.在这样一个历史的时刻,我们既为自由的人,就必须重申我们的信念。This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers.这个信念曾是我们先辈奉守的信条,It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by eternal moral and natural laws.也就是关于在永恒道德和自然法则的制约下人类尊严永存的信念。This faith defines our full view of life.这个信念确定了我们对生活的全部看法,It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are mans inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.并且无可辩驳地实了造物主对人类的赐予——即人类拥有多项不可剥夺的权利,所有人在上帝面前一律平等。In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country我们知道,根据这个平等的原则,自由的人民极为珍视的美德乃是热爱真理、以工作为荣和忠于祖国。all are treasures equally precious in the lives of the most humble and of the most exalted.这些不论对最卑贱者还是最高贵者,都是生活中弥足珍贵的宝藏。The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and balance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn那些从事诸如采煤、烧锅炉、理帐、开车床、摘棉花、治疗和种玉米之类工作的人们,all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legislators who enact laws.与草拟条约的政治家和制定法律的立法者一样,都在自豪而又卓有成效地为美国务。This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve.这个信念配着我们的整个生活方式。它要求我们人民选举领导人的目的不是为了让他们统治,而是要他们务;It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the reward of our own toil.它宣布我们,有权选择自己的工作,有权得到自己劳动的报酬;It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world.它激发我们的首创精神,使我国生产力成为世界一大奇迹;And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betrays the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.它还告诫我们,任何人如果企图否认其同胞的平等,就等于背叛了自由的精神,必定招致暴君的嘲弄。02/437491贵阳天伦不孕不育医院官方网站John F. Kennedy:American University Commencement Addressdelivered10June1963AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioPresident Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my oldcolleague,Senator Bob Byrd, whohas earned his degree through many years of attendingnight law school, while I am earning mine in the next30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladiesand gentlemen:Itis with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the AmericanUniversity, sponsoredby the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened byPresidentWoodrow Wilsonin 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has alyfulfilled Bishop Hursts enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a citydevoted tothe making of history and tothe conduct of the publics business.By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wishtolearn, whatever their coloror their creed,the Methodists of this area and the nation deserve the nations thanks, and Icommend all those who are today graduating. Professor WoodrowWilson once said thateverymansent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time,and I am confidentthatthe men and women who carry the honor of graduating from thisinstitution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of publicservice and public support.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.com;There are fewearthly things more beautifulthan a university,; wrote John Masefield in histribute to English universities andhis words are equally true today. He did not refer totowers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, hesaid, ;a place where those who hate ignorance may strive toknow, where those who perceivetruth may strive tomake others see.;I have, therefore, chosen this time and place todiscuss a topic on which ignorance too oftenabounds and the truthtoo rarely perceived.And that is the most importanttopic on earth:peace. Whatkind of peace do I mean and whatkind of a peace do we seek? Not a PaxAmericana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Notthe peace of the grave orthe security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace,the kind of peace that makes lifeon earth worthliving, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, andbuild a better life for their childrennotmerely peace for Americans but peace for allmenand women, notmerely peace in our time but peace in alltime.I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age wheregreat powers canmaintainlarge and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse tosurrender without resort tothose forces. Itmakes no sense in an age where a single nuclearweapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by allthe allied air forces inthe Second World War.Itmakes no sense in an age whenthe deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange wouldbe carried by wind and water and soil and seedto the far corners of the globe and togenerations yetunborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose ofmaking sure we never need them is essentialtothe keeping of peace.Butsurely theacquisition of such idle stockpiles whichcan only destroy and never create isnottheonly, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. I speak of peace, therefore, asthe necessary, rational end of rationalmen. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic asthe pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have nomore urgent task.Some say thatit is useless to speak of peace orworld law or world disarmament, and that itwill be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hopethey do. I believe we canhelp them doit. But Ialso believe that we must reexamine our ownattitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs.And every graduate of this school, every thoughtfulcitizen who despairs of war and wishes tobring peace, should begin by looking inward, byexamining his own attitude towards thepossibilities of peace, towards the SovietUnion, towards the course of the cold war andtowards freedom and peace here athome.First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible.Toomany think itis unreal. Butthatis a dangerous, defeatistbelief. Itleads tothe conclusion thatwar is inevitable, that mankind is doomed,that we are gripped by forces we cannotcontrol.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comWe need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade. therefore,they can be solved byman. And mancan be as big as he wants. No problem of humandestiny is beyond humanbeings. Mans reason and spirithave oftensolved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believethey can doit again. I am notreferring tothe absolute,infinite concept of universal peace andgood will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I donot deny the value of hopes anddreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only andimmediate goal.Letus focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a suddenrevolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in humaninstitutions ona series ofconcrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There isno single, simple key to this peace. no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or twopowers. Genuine peace must be the product ofmany nations, the sum of many acts. It mustbe dynamic, notstatic, changing to meet the challenge of eachnewgeneration. For peace is aprocess away of solving problems.With such a peace,there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are withinfamilies and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that eachmanlovehis neighbor, it requires only thatthey live together in mutualtolerance, submitting theirdisputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities betweennations, as betweenindividuals, donotlast forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes mayseem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations betweennations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war neednot be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable andless remote, we canhelp all people to see it, todraw hope from it, and to move irresistiblytowards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. Itis discouraging to thinkthattheir leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.Itis discouraging to a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page,wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegationthat American imperialist circlesare preparing to unleash differenttypes of war, thatthere is a very real threat of a preventivewar being unleashed by American imperialists againstthe SovietUnion, and thatthe politicalaims andI e ;of the Americanimperialists are to enslave economically and politicallythe European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means ofaggressive war.;Truly, as it was writtenlong ago: ;The wicked flee whennoman pursueth.;Yetitis sad to these Soviet statements, torealize the extent of the gulf betweenus. Butit is also a warning, a warning tothe American people notto fall into the same trap as theSoviets, not tosee only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, notto see conflict asinevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than anexchange of threats.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comNo government or socialsystem is soevilthat its people must be considered as lacking invirtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personalfreedom and dignity. But we canstillhailthe Russian people for their many achievements inscience and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is strongerthan our mutual abhorrence of war. Almostunique among the major world powers, we havenever been at war with each other. And nonationin the history of battle ever suffered morethanthe SovietUnion in the SecondWorld War.Atleast20 millionlost their lives. Countlessmillions of homes and families were burned or sacked.A third of the nations territory,including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland aloss equivalenttothe destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again nomatter how ourtwo countries will be theprimary target. Itis an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two inthe most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyedin the first24 hours. And evenin the cold war,which brings burdens and dangers toso manycountries, including this Nations closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens.For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted tocombat ignorance, poverty, and disease.We are both caughtup in a vicious and dangerouscycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begettingcounterweapons.In short, both the ed States and its allies, and the SovietUnion and itsallies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.Agreements tothis end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And eventhemosthostile nations can be relied uponto accept and keep those treaty obligations, and onlythose treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So letus not be blind to our differences, butletus also direct attentionto our commoninterests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot endnow our differences, atleast we can help makethe world safe for diversity. For in the finalanalysis, our most basic commonlink is that weallinhabit this small planet. We all breathethe same air. We all cherish our childrens futures. And we are all mortal.Third,let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering were not engaged ina debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are nothere distributing blame or pointingthe finger of judgment. We must deal with theworld as itis, and not as itmighthave beenhadthe history of the last18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in thesearch for peace in the hope that constructive changes withinthe Communist bloc might bringwithin reach solutions which nowseem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a waythatit becomes in the Communists interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, whiledefending our own vitalinterests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bringan adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt thatkind ofcourse in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy orof acollective deathwishfor the world.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page4AmericanRhetoric.comTo secure these ends,Americas weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designedto deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace anddisciplined in selfrestraint.Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants andpurely rhetorical hostility. For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard.And,for our part, we do not need touse threats to prove we are resolute. We donotneed tojam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith willbe eroded. We are unwilling toimpose oursystem on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peacefulcompetitionwith any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek tostrengthen the ed Nations, to help solve its financial problems, tomake it a more effective instrument for peace,to develop it into a genuine world securitysystem asystem capable of resolving disputes onthe basis of law, of insuring the securityof the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms canfinally beabolished.At the same time we seek tokeep peace inside the nonCommunistworld, wheremany nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weakenWesternunity,whichinvite Communistintervention, or whichthreaten toerupt into war. Our efforts in WestNew Guinea,in the Congo, inthe Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have beenpersistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have alsotried to set anexamplefor others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closestneighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wishto make one point clear.We are bound tomany nations byalliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Ourcommitmentto defendWesternEurope and West Berlin, for example,stands undiminishedbecause of the identity of our vital interests. The ed States will make no deal withtheSovietUnion at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they areour partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge,however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.Itis our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the SovietUnion that she,too,should let eachnation choose its ownfuture, solong as that choice does notinterfere with thechoices of others. The Communist drive toimpose their political and economic system onothers is the primary cause of world tensiontoday. For there can be no doubtthatif allnations could refrain from interfering in the selfdeterminationof others, the peace would bemuchmore assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new contextfor world discussions. It willrequire increased understanding betweenthe Soviets and ourselves. And increasedunderstanding will require increased contact and communication.One step in this directionis the proposed arrangementfor a direct line between Moscow andWashington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misingsof others actions whichmight occur at a time of crisis.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page5AmericanRhetoric.comWe have also beentalking in Geneva about our firststepmeasures of arm[s] controlsdesigned tolimitthe intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Ourprimary long range interest in Geneva,however, is general and complete disarmament,designed totake place by stages, permitting parallel politicaldevelopments to build the newinstitutions of peace which would take the placeof arms. The pursuit of disarmament hasbeen aneffort of this Government since the 1920s. Ithas beenurgently sought by the pastthree administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue thisefforttocontinue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what theproblems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start isbadly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, sonearand yetso far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. Itwould place the nuclear powers in a positiontodealmore effectively with one of the greatesthazards which manfaces in1963, the further sp of nuclear arms. It would increase oursecurity. it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently importanttorequire our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptationto give up the whole effortnorthe temptationto give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.Im taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce twoimportant decisions in this regard.First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that highleveldiscussions will shortly begin in Moscowlooking towards early agreement on a comprehensivetest bantreaty. Our hope must be tempered Ourhopes must be tempered with the cautionof history. but with our hopes gothe hopes of all mankind. Second,tomake clear our goodfaith and solemn convictions on this matter, Inow declare thatthe ed States does notpropose toconduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere solong as other states donot do so. Wewillnot Wewillnot be the firstto resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formalbinding treaty, but Ihope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitutefor disarmament, but I hope it willhelp us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here athome. The quality and spirit of our ownsocietymust justify and support our efforts abroad.We must show it in the dedication of our ownlives asmany of you who are graduatingtoday willhave an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or inthe proposed National Service Corps here athome. But wherever we are, we must all, in ourdaily lives, live up to the ageoldfaiththat peace and freedom walk together. Intoo many ofour cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. Itis the responsibilityof the executive branch at alllevels of governmentlocal,State, and National toprovideand protectthat freedom for all of our citizens by allmeans within our authority. Itis theresponsibility of the legislative branch at alllevels, wherever the authority is notnowadequate, tomake it adequate.And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of thiscountry torespect the rights of others and respectthe law of the land.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page6AmericanRhetoric.comAll this Allthis is notunrelated to world peace. ;When a mans way[s] please the Lord,; theScriptures tellus, ;he maketh even his enemies to be at peace withhim.;And is not peace, inthe last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the rightto live out our lives withoutfearof devastation. the rightto breathe air as nature provided it. the right of future generations toa healthy existence?While we proceed tosafeguard our nationalinterests, letus also safeguard humaninterests.And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. Notreaty, howevermuchit may be tothe advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provideabsolute security againstthe risks of deceptionand evasion. Butitcan, if it is sufficientlyeffective inits enforcement, and itis sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far moresecurity and far fewer risks than an unabated,uncontrolled,unpredictable arms race.The ed States, as the world knows, willnever start a war. We do not want a war. We donotnow expect a war. This generation of Americans has aly had enoughmorethanenough ofwar and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shallbe alerttotry tostop it. But we shall also doour partto build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are nothelpless before thattask or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we mustlabor onnottowards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace. /201205/182138贵阳/哪家医院查精子好

贵阳市花溪区中医院卵巢囊肿治疗贵阳市不孕天伦正规Another Step Towards Securing Our Future in Energy【Speech Video】This morning, President Obama signed a Presidential Memorandum on fuel efficiency standards, an initiative that will build on his goal to move towards improved fuel economy for vehicles. The signing comes a year after he made a historic agreement to break America’s dependence on foreign oil and create clean energy jobs.The President explained that one year later, we are aly beginning to see the results of that goal. The Presidential Memorandum signed today will take another step forward by proposing the development of a national standard for larger heavy-duty trucks. The Memorandum directs the Department of Transportion and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to create a first-ever National Policy to increase fuel efficiency and decrease greenhouse gas pollution from medium- and heavy-duty trucks for Model Years 2014-2018. Trucks consume more than two million barrels of ail every day and emit 20% of all transportation related greenhouse gas pollution, and the new standard is expected to bring down costs for transporting goods while reducing pollution and spurring growth in the clean energy sector.Download Video: mp4 (124MB) | mp3 (10MB) 201005/104404President Bush Meets with President Saakashvili of Georgia   PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. President, welcome back to Washington. I was just reminiscing with the President about my trip to Georgia, about the unbelievably good food, and about the dancing. He was wondering whether I'd come back and start my dancing career there. And I told him I probably better quit while I'm ahead.   We had a good discussion. I admire the President. I admire what Georgia has gone through and what Georgia is doing. We had an interesting talk about a couple of subjects, one of which is the economic opportunities in Georgia. This is a country which has adopted a very simplified tax code; it's easy for people to understand. I told the American people I tried to simplify our tax code. It's difficult to do. I congratulate you on simplifying yours and I congratulate you about your rates of growth.   We talked about Georgia's contribution to democracy movements -- not only her own, but to democracy and freedom movements in places like Iraq. The citizens of Georgia must know that the troops that have been provided there are brave, courageous professionals, and have made a significant difference. And we want to thank you for that, Mr. President.   We talked about the need for there to be peaceful resolutions of conflicts, while recognizing the territorial integrity and sovereign borders of Georgia.   And finally, we, of course, talked about NATO. The Bucharest summit is coming up. Georgia's aspirations will be decided at the Bucharest summit. MAP application, of course, as the President full well knows, is not membership. MAP is a process that will enable NATO members to be comfortable with their country eventually joining. I believe that NATO benefits with a Georgian membership. I believe Georgia benefits from being a part of NATO. And I told the President it's a message I'll be taking to Bucharest soon.   And so, Mr. President, thanks for coming. I'm pleased you're here. I'm glad you brought your wife. Turns out our wives are out having lunch together on the town -- having lunch together on the town here in D.C. And just told Laura to keep the tab down. (Laughter.) I'm working on government pay these days. But thank you for coming.   PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm incredibly thrilled to be back in the Oval Office. And, you know, we've been essential part of your freedom agenda. I was not President when I heard your speech in Warsaw, when you spoke about freedom between Baltics and the Black Sea. And that was an extremely visionary speech, because you spoke about the Black Sea at the moment when nobody wanted to look in our direction. And I think we are -- what we are up to now is to implement this freedom agenda -- for the sake of our people, for the sake of our values, for the sake of what the ed States means for all of us, because the U.S. is exporting idealism to the rest of the world.   And we believe that, you know, we have very, very strong partnerships. We have a very, very strong partnership in democracy building. We have a very strong partnership in our military cooperation, because I'm very proud the Georgian troops in Iraq are not just controlling and are present there, protecting people, but are having success in doing so. And certainly this is something that we will state over generations.   I have to thank you, Mr. President, for your unwavering support for our freedom, for our democracy, for our territorial sovereignty, and for protecting Georgia's borders, and for Georgia's NATO aspirations. I think this is a very unequivocal support we're getting from you.   And, you know, this is the last year of your administration, but I can tell you, what you've done for -- not only for my country, but what you've done for all over the region, will be remembered greatly, and will be remembered as absolutely revolutionary change of way of thinking, of environment, of giving chances to a people who never thought about having those opportunities and chances before. That's what America is all about. That's what Bush freedom agenda is all about. And we are very proud to be part of that agenda, Mr. President.   You should know that this will stay as a photographic memory in our people's minds, and we will always remember it. We'll -- and we are very grateful, of course -- you will dance Georgia dance much better than I do -- (laughter) -- you are invited back, to come. You've shown considerable talent. (Laughter.) I know you're not Georgian, you're a Texan, but we are pretty close. (Laughter.) But deep in your mind you should have something Georgian. (Laughter.)   PRESIDENT BUSH: That's right. (Laughter.)   PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI: That's for sure. And, I mean, we certainly -- and if you don't want to dance with us, then you can come and bike with us, or do anything. But you're always welcome back as somebody who really put Georgia firmly on the world's freedom map, and not only Georgia, but many of the countries in the region, and gave us a chance. I think we will continue this cooperation.   I thank you for your support today. We've heard today everything we wanted to hear from the leader of the free world, and I think that's going to give new opportunities opening to my people. I'm bringing back hope and inspiration.   PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you.   Thank you all. 200806/41149贵阳/哪里治疗生殖器感染病REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMAIN MEETING WITH OPPOSITION LEADERS PRESIDENT OBAMA: (In progress) -- not simply tolerate dissenting voices but also to respect and recognize dissenting voices. This is one of the elements, along with an independent media and adherence to the rule of law that has helped to solidify our own government during some very difficult times. I said in my remarks recently that the fact that I sit before you as President of the ed States is a testimony to the power of dissent in the ed States over time in creating a different reality. And it's also an important tool for fighting corruption.So I think it's very important that I come before you with some humility. I think in the past there's been a tendency for the ed States to lecture rather than to listen. And we obviously still have much work to do with our own democracy in the ed States, but nevertheless, I think we share some common values and interest in building a strong, democratic culture in Russia as well as the ed States.And I want to say that this is, by the way, something I do in every country I visit. So whether I visit -- travel to Turkey or I travel to England, wherever I go, I think it's always important for me to recognize that the particular head of state that I'm meeting with is the head of the government but that the society itself represents a larger spectrum of views.So I, again, am grateful to all of you for taking the time. And rather than spend all the time talking, what I'd like to do is listen to you and find our your perspectives, your views, and we can go in any direction that you prefer. We can talk about policy and specific concerns or questions you may have for me. Or we can talk more generally about how democracy is progressing -- (end of tape.) 07/76939清镇市人民医院做腹腔镜手术多少钱

分页 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29