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南昌/那个医院去太田痣好

来源:门诊挂号    发布时间:2017年10月24日 09:55:23    编辑:admin         

The findings of China’s first major study on the lives of the nation’s 185 million elderly make for gloomy ing. The results of the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study show 22.9% of Chinese over 60 live in poverty, 38.1% have difficulty completing daily activities on their own, and 40% show high symptoms of depression.对中国1.85亿老年人的生活状况进行的首次大规模调查发现,这些老年人的生存状况令人沮丧。这项名为中国健康与养老追踪调查的研究显示,60岁以上的中国人中22.9%的人生活贫困,38.1%的人在日常行动方面存在困难,40%的人表现出高度的抑郁症症状。But speaking at the launch in Beijing on Friday, the leaders of the study ─ based on a nation-wide survey of 17,708 individuals, and completed with the help of top academics from around the world ─ said it’s not all bad news.但牵头进行这项研究的人士上周五在北京宣布调查结果时也表示,调查得到的并非都是坏消息。这项研究是基于对全国范围内17,708名个人的调查进行的,并在世界各地一系列一流学者的帮助下得以完成。One important factor in the disabilities and depression suffered by many of China’s elderly is trauma experienced in early life: Chinese people over 60 grew up with famine in the 1950s and the tumult of the Cultural Revolution, and that leaves a mark.导致中国许多老年人出现身心障碍和精神抑郁的一个重要因素是他们早年经历的生活创伤。中国60岁以上人口都经历过上世纪50年代的饥荒以及文化大革命的动乱,这些都在他们的生活中留下了印记。Today’s working-age population enjoyed far less traumatic childhoods. They also have higher incomes than their parents did, thanks to greater participation in China’s 30-year economic boom. Both factors mean their old age should be better than that of their parents, says John Strauss, a professor at the University of Southern California and one of the heads of the study.当今中国的工作年龄人口在童年经历的伤痛要比前人少得多。由于对中国这30年来的经济快速增长有更高的参与度,这些人的收入也比自己的父辈要高。这项研究的负责人之一、美国南加州大学(University of Southern California)教授施特劳斯(John Strauss)说,这两个因素意味着,目前工作年龄人口的晚年生活应该比父辈那一代人要好。China’s poverty levels for the elderly look high relative to the U.S., where the Census Bureau reports that 8.7% of those over 65 live below the poverty line. But higher incomes for the elderly in the U.S. are still financed by large-scale public transfers from the working-age population. Mr. Strauss says that has costs too. It’s possible to argue “that from a social welfare point of view, the aged in the U.S. get far too much in the way of transfers from the young and middle-aged,” he said.中国老年人口的贫困率看来比美国要高。美国人口普查局(Census Bureau)的数据显示,美国65岁以上老年人口的贫困率为8.7%。但美国老年人口收入较高的一个原因是政府将得自工作年龄人口的资金向老年人进行了大规模的公共财政转移。施特劳斯说,这种做法也是有代价的。从社会福利的角度出发或许可以认为,美国老年人接纳转移自年轻人和中年人的公共财政太多了。A shrinking workforce and higher costs of care as China’s population ages have raised fears about slowing growth. But there’s still time to head off those problems, says Yaohui Zhao, a professor at Peking University who led the survey. Policies that support healthy aging would mitigate the impact on growth, for example by allowing people to work for longer, said Ms. Zhao.随着中国人口的老龄化,中国劳动年龄人口的规模在缩减,而全社会的医疗费用出在增加,这让人担心中国经济会不断放慢增长速度。但上述调查的牵头人、北京大学教授赵耀辉说,中国仍然有时间阻止这些问题出现。她说,政府持健康的社会老龄化的政策将会减缓这些问题对经济增长的影响,比如说,政府可以延长退休年龄。 /201306/242568。

Despite being one of China#39;s most prominent businessmen, Zong Qinghou still uses the gritty metaphors that bear the mark of a youth spent tilling rural fields during the Cultural Revolution.身为中国最知名的商人之一,宗庆后仍然会使用一些粗俗的比喻。这是青年时期的宗庆后在文化大革命期间下乡耕田的经历在他身上留下的印记。When discussing the succession plans at his multibillion-dollar Wahaha empire, he notes that Kelly Zong, his 31-year-old daughter, has aly taken over some of the corporate responsibilities, before adding: “If she has any problems, I#39;ll go and wipe her butt.”他的娃哈哈(Wahaha)帝国价值数十亿美元。在讨论接班计划时,他提到31岁的女儿宗馥莉已经接手企业的部分职责,随后补充道:“如果她出了问题,我会去帮她擦屁股。”However, with or without the earthy Chinese phrase, talk of succession is much too premature for the 67-year-old beverage tycoon. Ranked as China#39;s wealthiest man, with an estimated fortune of bn according to the Hurun Rich List, Mr Zong has no desire to let go of the company he founded in the near future. Outside of work, he says with a raspy laugh, his only hobbies are drinking tea and smoking cigarettes.不过,无论用不用这类粗俗的中文表达,讨论接班计划对这位67岁的饮料大亨还为时尚早。在胡润百富榜(Hurun Rich List)上,宗庆后以130亿美元的财富位居中国首富,而他还无意在短期内放手自己创立的公司。他以粗嘎的嗓音大笑着说道,工作之余,喝茶和抽烟是他仅有的爱好。Yet it has been a tough six months for Mr Zong. In November he began a strategic shift in his business, branching into retail operations with the opening of WAOW Plaza, a boutique shopping mall in his home town of Hangzhou, near Shanghai. He plans to open 100 malls over the next five years, with a view to bringing affordable luxury to middle-class Chinese in the form of less well-known European brands such as Groc from Spain and Gregory from Italy.但过去六个月,宗庆后过得并不轻松。去年11月,他开始实施业务的战略转型,进军零售业务,在位于上海附近的家乡杭州开设了精品商城——娃欧商场(WAOW Plaza)。他计划在未来5年开设100家商场,销售西班牙Groc、意大利Gregory等知名度较低的欧洲品牌,旨在为中国中产阶级提供“买得起的奢侈品”。But WAOW has had a bad start. The name, which is short for Wahaha Europe, has been mocked, few customers have passed through the mall#39;s doors and analysts have questioned the wisdom of entering bricks-and-mortar retail when online shopping is booming.但娃欧商场开局不佳。寓意为“娃哈哈欧洲”的商场名称遭到外界嘲笑,生意门可罗雀,分析人士则质疑:在网络购物蓬勃发展的背景下,进军实体店零售是否明智?If Mr Zong is worried, he is not showing it. “It#39;s no problem,” he smiles. “It just takes time to build a brand. I like this kind of thing. After all, I got my start selling ice cream and I built a brand through the hard work of selling my product.”即便宗庆后担心,他也没有将担心流露出来。“这不是问题,”他笑道,“打造品牌需要时间。我喜欢这种过程。毕竟,我靠卖冰激凌发家,通过努力销售产品打出了品牌。”The start of his career in commerce came after enduring Mao#39;s Cultural Revolution. In 1966, Mr Zong#39;s high school closed its doors and he, like millions of students, was sent to the countryside to work alongside peasants.熬过毛泽东文化大革命的苦难后,他开始了从商生涯。1966年,宗庆后就读的高中关门停课,他同其他数百万学生一样被下放农村,与农民一起劳动。When he returned to Hangzhou 15 years later, it was in the throes of a very different kind of revolution: China had begun to roll back the powers of the state in the 1980s and the city was a hotbed for private enterprise. He began in business in 1987 with a licence to sell snacks at schools. Mr Zong sold ice cream and soft drinks, and nearly a decade later hit upon mineral water as his prized offering when many Chinese still lacked running water in their homes.当他15年后回到杭州时,这座城市正在经历一场截然不同的剧变:上世纪80年代,中国开始削减国家权力,杭州成为私营企业的温床。1987年,他获准在学校售卖零食,开始做生意。宗庆后卖冰激凌和软饮料,将近10年后,他开始主打矿泉水产品——当时很多中国家庭还享受不到自来水。The experience of going from survival mode to richest man in China perhaps explains Mr Zong#39;s supreme self-assurance. It has also coloured his views of the world.从勉强糊口到中国首富的经历,或许能解释宗庆后为何具有超人的自信。这段经历也丰富了他的世界观。For 11 consecutive years he has attended the annual session of China#39;s parliament as a delegate. Within the parameters for free speech that exist, he relishes the opportunity to make his voice heard. “You#39;ve got to cut taxes to make room for ordinary people,” he says between drags of cigarettes in a hotel suite that doubles as his office during the two weeks of this year#39;s parliament in mid-March. “The government is taking too much money and leaving too little for the ordinary people.”宗庆后连续11年以代表身份出席中国一年一度的全国人大会议。在允许的言论自由范围内,他十分珍惜发言的机会。今年3月中旬左右为期两周的人大会议期间,他在足有自己办公室两倍大的酒店套房内,边抽烟边说道:“为了减轻老百姓的负担,一定要减税。政府拿走了太多钱,老百姓得到的太少。”As much as a multibillionaire can, Mr Zong tries to maintain a modest image. In the past, he has worn a ,000 Vacheron Constantin watch, but when we meet he is not wearing it. After a series of scandals in which government officials were exposed as corrupt simply because of their expensive watches, bare wrists are suddenly de rigueur in Beijing.尽管身为亿万富翁,宗庆后却尽力保持低调。过去,他一直佩戴着一块价值4.8万美元的江诗丹顿(Vacheron Constantin)手表,但与我见面时他并未将表戴在手腕上。之前接连有政府官员因为戴高价手表被揭出腐败丑闻,于是不戴手表突然成了中国官场的规矩。His hotel is comfortable but hardly luxurious, he wears a simple jacket with a zipper front and he chain-smokes Davidoff cigarettes – a midrange brand in China.他下榻的酒店舒适但不豪华。他穿着朴素的拉链夹克,不停地抽着大卫杜夫(Davidoff)的香烟——这在中国属于中端品牌。He wags his finger disapprovingly as he extols his view of the state#39;s role in business. “Europe has high social benefits and high tax, and this has led to no one working, it has created your economic problem,” he says. “We need to maintain equality of opportunity here, to let people pay their way through their own hard work.”他一边赞扬着国家对商业的作用,一边不以为然地摇摇手指。“欧洲社会福利高、税收高,所以没人工作。这导致了你们的经济问题,”他说,“在中国我们需要维持机会平等,让人们通过辛勤的劳动挣钱。”Wahaha, which means “laughing baby”, established itself as China#39;s top drinks company after it formed a joint venture with Danone of France in 1996. Their partnership soured in 2007 when Danone accused Mr Zong of running parallel companies that competed directly with the joint venture, in which Danone had a 51 per cent stake, under the same trademark. Mr Zong denied all of Danone#39;s allegations and said Wahaha#39;s success was thanks to his understanding of the market.娃哈哈名字的寓意是“笑哈哈的孩童”。在1996年与法国达能(Danone)组成合资企业后,娃哈哈确立了中国头号饮料公司的地位。2007年,双方合作关系恶化:达能指责宗庆后同时经营平行企业,使用相同的商标与合资企业(达能持有51%股份)直接展开竞争。宗庆后否认了达能的所有指控,并表示娃哈哈的成功得益于他对市场的了解。Some of the rhetoric used by Mr Zong and his supporters during the dispute brought to mind his formative years in the tea fields and rice paddies during the Cultural Revolution. In one public letter to Danone, employees calling themselves “Chairman Zong#39;s army” said the French directors were “rascals”, and Chinese who co-operated with them were “traitors”.在纠纷中,宗庆后及持者的言论令人想起文革时他在茶园和稻田的成长经历。在致达能的一封公开信中,员工自称为“宗总的子弟兵”,将法方董事称为“无赖”,将与法方合作的中国人称为“汉奸”。A settlement was reached in 2009 after a partial award in Danone#39;s favour. Under the terms of the deal, Mr Zong bought Danone#39;s stake for about #59244;300m (0m at the time).2009年仲裁机构发布了有利于达能的“部分判决”,双方达成和解。根据和解条款,宗庆后付3亿欧元(当时合4.4亿美元)收购达能在合资企业中的股份。The fight with Danone appears to have put one lasting dent in his otherwise formidable confidence. Wahaha has plenty of cash – its net profits last year were Rmb8bn (.3bn) – and Mr Zong says he has asked advisers to recommend overseas acquisition targets. But he is wary of trying to sell into foreign markets.与达能的纠纷似乎对宗庆后本来无与伦比的自信造成了持久的伤害。娃哈哈现金充足——公司去年净利润为80亿元人民币(13亿美元),宗庆后亦表示已请顾问推荐海外收购目标。但他似乎不愿将产品销往国外。“I#39;ve told them to find me companies making products that China is unable to produce,” he says. “I#39;ll buy the companies and then bring the products into China. Otherwise I#39;d be buying companies that are still just competing in their own countries, and sooner or later others will catch up.”“我让他们帮我寻找其产品中国无法生产的公司,”他说,“我要收购这些公司,再将产品引进中国。不然的话,我买的就会是些还在本国市场竞争的公司,它们迟早会被别人追上。”Wahaha did make a foray of a kind into Britain this year. In January it signed a three-year sponsorship deal with Manchester ed, paying for the right to use the football club#39;s name and images in its soft-drink advertisements in China. Wahaha#39;s adverts now feature pictures of Wayne Rooney next to cans of Qili, an energy drink. “Chinese people love football, but the quality of Chinese football itself is very poor, so the deal made sense,” Mr Zong says.娃哈哈今年确实做出了进军海外的努力,在英国进行了一笔投资。今年1月,它与曼联(Manchester ed)足球俱乐部签署三年赞助合同,根据交易,娃哈哈出资赞助,换取在中国的软饮料广告中使用曼联名称和肖像的权利。在娃哈哈现在的广告中,韦恩鲁尼(Wayne Rooney)的形象出现在功能饮料启力的一侧。宗庆后说:“中国人热爱足球,但中国足球本身水平很低,因此这笔交易是有意义的。”For the super-rich in China, gaining the government#39;s blessing is essential for continued success. Academic studies have found that those who make it on to China#39;s rich lists are more likely than ordinary entrepreneurs to face investigations and arrests because their high profile attracts greater scrutiny. Mr Zong, however, has been spared any such trouble.对中国的富豪而言,获得政府撑腰是不断取得成功的关键因素。学术研究发现,跻身中国富豪榜的人比普通企业家更容易遭到调查和逮捕,因为他们“树大招风”。但宗庆后却完全没有惹上这样的麻烦。A sign of his established position within the country#39;s corridors of power came during China#39;s parliament: Wahaha beverages, from milk drinks to mineral water, were being dispensed for free on the sidelines of the meetings.他在中国权力走廊的牢固地位,在人大会议中得到了印:在会议间歇,娃哈哈的牛奶饮品和矿泉水等饮料向代表们免费发放。Mr Zong also knows how to flatter those in power, another essential survival skill. So it is hardly surprising to hear him heap praise on Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, China#39;s new leaders. But his choice of compliments is telling – he brings it back to their hard-working youths as students who, like him, were sent to toil on farms.宗庆后还懂得如何讨好当权者,这是另一项基本生存技能。因此,他对中国新任领导人习近平和李克强的盛赞并不出人意料。但宗庆后的措辞很有他的特点——他将时光拉回习李艰苦的学生时代,二人也曾像宗庆后一样被下放农村干活。“These are guys who have been up mountains and down to the countryside,” he says. “They have also eaten bitterness.”他说:“他们是上过山下过乡的人。他们也吃过苦。” /201304/237167。

London will stage its biggest political funeral in almost half a century on Wednesday when Britain#39;s governing elite join the Queen and global leaders to bid farewell to former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, better known as the ;Iron Lady;.In an event comparable to that of Winston Churchill#39;s funeral in 1965, Thatcher#39;s coffin will be carried atop a horse-drawn gun carriage through streets lined with admirers, and some detractors, from parliament to the city#39;s most famous cathedral.The bells of London#39;s iconic Big Ben clock tower will fall silent for the first time since Churchill#39;s funeral and more than 700 men and women from Britain#39;s armed forces will honor a woman who led them to victory in the 1982 Falklands War as foreign dignitaries from around 170 nations look on.Thatcher, who ruled Britain from 1979 to 1990, died on April 8 after suffering a stroke.In life, the woman the Soviets christened the ;Iron Lady; divided the British public with her free-market policies which sometimes wrought wrenching change on communities. In death it is no different.Polls have shown that many are unhappy that the estimated 10-million ( million) pound bill for the funeral is being picked up by the taxpayer, while some left-wing lawmakers say the pomp-filled funeral is excessive and amounts to a party political advert for her ruling Conservative party.But her admirers, of which there are many in her party and in southern England, argue that her historical profile merits such a funeral. She was the country#39;s first and only woman premier, was Britain#39;s longest-serving prime minister of the 20th century, and won three general elections.伦敦将于当地时间本周三(4月17日)在圣保罗大教堂为前首相撒切尔夫人举办半个世纪以来最盛大的政治葬礼。届时,撒切尔的灵柩会被安放在皇家乘骑炮兵部队的炮车上,按礼仪沿街列队行进,前往圣保罗大教堂,三军官兵将在街道两侧列队,目送殡葬队通过,公众可以沿街目送葬礼队伍。More than 2,300 mourners will attend including 11 serving prime ministers from around the world, the British government#39;s entire cabinet, two heads of state and 17 foreign ministers.But there will be notable absences. Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev is too frail to attend and Nancy Reagan, the widow of Thatcher#39;s great U.S. ally Ronald Reagan, is also unable to come.Thatcher struck up a close relationship with Reagan during the Cold War, backed the first President George Bush during the 1991 Gulf War, and was among the first to discover that Gorbachev was a man she could ;do business with;.Draped in the red, white and blue British flag, Thatcher#39;s coffin lay overnight in a 13th-century chapel in Britain#39;s parliament, a forum she dominated for years.The guest list for her funeral has prompted talk of diplomatic snubbing.On Tuesday, a spokesman for Cameron denied the ed States had snubbed Britain by not sending anyone senior from the administration of President Barack Obama.葬礼进行期间,伦敦大本钟将处于静音状态,这是自丘吉尔葬礼以来,大本钟首次静音。参加葬礼的2300多名宾客中包括11位各国在任首相,英国全体内阁成员,两位国家元首以及17位外交部长,不过前苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫和前美国第一夫人南希·里根均无法出席葬礼。 /201304/235825。

四川阿坝 Almost without noticing, once the most beautiful landscapes in China are fading away silently. While they are strong enough to have survived thousands of years on earth, they are so fragile in the face of earthquakes, global warming, deforestation, overgrazing as well as natural erosions. Still, for travelers, it's always better late than never to see these wonders while they are still there. 不经意间,中国的绝色美景正在悄然逝去。历经千年的洗礼,在面对地震、气候变暖、森林砍伐、过度放牧等自然或人为的变迁时,它们依旧脆弱不堪。对于旅行者而言,抓紧时间多看一眼这样的美景,不要让它们只在记忆中闪现,定格在曾经的美丽。 Aba is an autonomous prefecture in Sichuan, whose capital is Barkam town. Aba is the site of the epicenter of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake. 阿坝自治州位于四川省马尔康地区,正处于2008年汶川地震所在区域。浙江泰顺 Taishun is in Southern part of Zhejiang Province, near the border with the Fujian province. Taishun County has more than 900 covered bridges, many of them hundreds of years old, as well as a covered bridge museum. 泰顺位于浙江南部,与福建交界。泰顺有900多座超过百年历史的廊桥,还有一座廊桥物馆。 /201110/156903。

More Americans are in favor of gay marriage, and more place the importance of gun owner rights above gun control, according to a new Pew Research Center poll.皮尤调查中心的投票结果显示,越来越多的美国人持同性恋婚姻,同时,越来越多的美国人认为持权利比械管制重要。The poll’s findings indicate landmark shifts in opinion for both issues, marking the culmination of trends that have built up over the past several years.此次投票结果表明,在这两个问题上民众意见有了重大转变,这标志着近年来形成的两种潮流达到了顶峰。Currently, 49% of Americans believe it’s more important to protect the rights of gun owners, and 47% are in favor of legalizing gay marriage. Though neither are amajority, those in favor of both policies outnumber those against, with 45% placing gun control above gun ownership and 43% in opposition to gay marriage.目前,49%的美国人认为保护民众持权利更为重要,同时47%的美国人持同性婚姻合法化。虽然两项投票结果都没有占多数,但是持这两项政策的人数超过了反对的人数。其中仅45%的美国人认为械管制更重要,43%的人反对同性婚姻。Including data since 2003, opposition to gay marriage reached its peak in 2004, as the topic reached the forefront of the year’s campaigns, with state amendments and the possibility of constitutional prohibition building steam. But public opinion has shifted significantly, most particularly in regard to those strongly in favor and against gay marriage.该调查收集了自2003年以来的数据,调查发现人们对同性恋婚姻的反对在2004年达到了高潮。这个话题与各州修正案以及宪法可能禁止修建蒸汽设备的话题,一起成为当年各类游行的主题。但是,公众的意见已发生重大转变,尤其是那些强烈持和反对同性婚姻的人。Strong opposition, ever since its peak of 38% in December 2004, had fluctuated around 30% until 2010, when it began its slow descent to its current22%. Strong support, which was as low as 8% in 2004, has risen to equal the opposition at 22%.在2004年12月,同性婚姻的反对率达到38%的顶峰后,一直徘徊在30%左右,直到2010年,反对率开始下降至目前的22%。在2004年,坚决持同性婚姻的比例只有8%,而目前则升至22%,与反对者人数相当。The percentage drop in the opposition of gay marriage was conveniently equal in both those under the age of 30 and those at or above the age of 65, at 18%, though 56% of the older generation still are against it, compared to just 30% of their younger counterparts.在年龄小于30和大于65的年龄层中,同性婚姻反对率均降低了18%,尽管56%的年长一代仍然持反对态度。相较之下,年轻人群的反对率仅为30%。Stretching back to 1993, Pew has found a consistently sizeable plurality, if notmajority, of Americans placed more importance on gun ownership, peaking at 66% in 2000. Since then, that number has seen a steady decline, hitting 49% both in 2012 and 2011.追溯至1993年,皮尤调查发现,即便不是大多数,也有相当数量的美国人一直持持权利,这个数字在2000年达到了顶峰,为66%。自此,这项数字一直持续降低,在2012和2011年的时候降到了49%。That said, what does this shift mean for the upcoming elections? Obviously the sentiments of Americans are changing, but the implications of those changes look to be incremental in influencing the electoral results.那么,这种转变对即将到来的总统大选意味着什么呢?显然,美国人的观点在转变,而这些转变中隐含的意义将越来越多地对选举结果产生影响。An earlier Pew poll found that 28% place gay marriage as “very important” to their vote, and 47% gave gun control the same weight. As has been said before, and will be said again before the polls close, it’s economy that trumps all matters, regardless of the changing tides toward gun-owning gay couples.皮尤早前的一次投票显示28%的人认为同性恋婚姻的问题会很大程度影响他们的投票,47%的人则认为械管制是同样重要的影响因素。但正如之前所说,而且在调查末尾还将再次提到的,经济因素盖过一切,无论人们对持权利或同性恋婚姻的态度发生了怎样的变化。Pew’s survey was conducted via telephone interviews among 3,0008 adults nationwide between April 4-15, with a margin of error of plus or minus 2.9-3.0%.皮尤这次的调查是在4月4日至15日,通过电话采访了30008名美国各地的成人,误差范围为正负2.9-3.0%。 /201206/185611。